Talking about genocide prevention in the shadow of the Auschwitz-Birkenau
extermination camps inevitably brings an intense and unique gravity to the
discussions. The academic presentations cannot extract themselves from the
looming presence of the barbed wires and grim towers surrounding the Nazis’ most
infamous “death factory”. The past overwhelms all thoughts as a constant reminder
of a barbaric killing system and its cold-blooded annihilation of millions of innocent
lives.
How could it happen? What made it happen? How can we make sure today
that we would have the right reactions if something similar would emerge? Last
week some 25 diplomats from around the world gathered in the small town of Oswiecim,
the Polish name of Auschwitz, to find answers to these questions and make real
the oft-repeated promise of “never again”.
Genocide is a concern for the whole humanity. In the past century mass
atrocities devastated not only the Old continent but also countries of the South.
German South-West Africa, Ottoman Anatolia, the European “bloodlands” at the
time of the Ukraine famine and the Holocaust, Cambodia under the Pol Pot,
Srebrenica, Rwanda: the world map is dotted with the dark red flags of
exterminationist policies. And the first years of the 21st century have
already had their share of mass atrocities, from Darfur to Syria.
The exception and the rule
Indeed during all these somber moments of history journalism has
systematically been put to the test. The Armenian genocide during the First
World War was intensely covered by the U.S. and European press. In 1915 the New
York Times published an article every two or three days, thanks in particular
to the information it received from the US ambassador in Constantinople, Henry
Morgenthau.
However this is the exception that confirms the rule. The first genocide
of the past century –the “Kaiser’s Holocaust”, the killing of Hereros in South
West Africa (currently Namibia) – was hardly mentioned in the world media. In
the early 30s the Soviet-organized mass starvation in Ukraine went mostly
unreported, except by Welsh journalist Gareth Jones and Manchester Guardian
reporter Malcom Muggeridge.
During the Second World War the Holocaust was “buried” in most mainstream
US newspapers. Although well-known journalists like Dorothy Thompson or CBS
News Berlin correspondent William Shirer had rung the alarm bells on the nature
of the Nazi regime, “American media took the measure of the killings in the
Ottoman Empire much more quickly than the press was able to discern Hitler’s
policy for Jews a generation later”, wrote Berkely journalism professor Thomas
C. Leonard in America and the Armenian
Genocide of 1915.
Why? In 1986 U.S. historian Deborah Lipstadt underlined one of the
reasons by giving the title Beyond Belief
to her insightful essay on the American press and the coming of the Holocaust.
While not neglecting the other explanations and responsibilities she echoed Varian
Fry’s famous December 1942 article in The New Republic : “There are some things
so horrible that decent men and women find them impossible to believe, so
monstrous that the civilized world recoils incredulous before them”, wrote this
intrepid journalist who a few months earlier had run a rescue network in Vichy
France that helped save from 2000 to 4000 anti-Nazi and Jewish refugees.
Rwanda and Darfur
Four decades later the world and the press did recoil before another genocide.
According to Carleton University professor Allan Thompson, editor of The Media and the Rwanda Genocide there
were only two journalists present in Rwanda on April 6 1994 when the shooting
down of Rwandan President Habyarimana’s plane triggered a murder machine that
killed close to a million Tutsi and moderate Hutu. For most of April, the most
intense month of killings, there were no more than 10 to 15 special envoys in the
country at any time.
In Darfur, ten years later, most of the media waited until late January
2004 and even April 1994, around the 10th anniversary of the Rwanda
genocide, to cover the mass killings committed by the Karthoum regime and its
Janjaweed henchmen in the course of a repression campaign that had started in
March 2003. “Journalists do not cover genocide, they cover anniversaries of
genocide”, moaned a human rights activist.
In his laudatory blurb to Lipstadt’s book late Senator Alan Cranston had
referred to “the indispensable role an inquiring press must play when human and
human lives are at stake”. His remark remains valid today, inevitably raising
the eternal and nagging questions on journalistic “neutrality” and “commitment”.
“We have no dogs in these fights”, a journalist had said last year at a
Montreal conference on genocide prevention while referring to the coverage of
mass atrocities in far away lands. However is neutrality ethically defensible
when a murderous regime is slaughtering masses of civilians based on their
religious, ethnic or cultural identities? Years ago Polish journalist and
former dissident Adam Michnik had given another response and proposed another
standard for journalism: “Our responsibility”, said the editor-in-chief of the daily
Gazeta Wyborcza, “is to speak with the voice of the victim, not with the voice
of the butcher”.
The duty to report
In Auschwitz many participants agreed that reporting mass atrocities is
a commitment. The media cannot passively wait for the “event” to occur: they
must be the canary in the mineshaft that alerts the miners of the impending
explosion. They cannot just observe: they must dig and search, like
Pulitzer-winning reporter Roy Gutman who in 1993 exposed the Bosnian Serb
army’s “death camps” in Bosnia. They cannot just report: they have to connect
the dots in order to provide meaning to the confusing avalanche of facts and
data. As veteran journalist and media scholar Malvin Kalb, paraphrasing Elie
Wiesel, wrote in his preface to the book Why
didn’t the press shout? American and International Journalism During the
Holocaust, information must be converted into knowledge “crowned with a
moral dimension that can be transformed into a call for action”.
But can information really lead to action? Gutman’s exposure of camps in
Bosnia is credited of saving thousands of lives by forcing the Bosnian Serbs to
close them, but media scholars disagree on the “CNN effect” and the media’s
capacity to push for action.
The murderous regimes however won’t take any chance. As CPJ reports
show, these rogue states increasingly want to exclude journalists from the
killing fields. By refusing them visas, by bombing Sarajevo’s Holiday Inn or
Homs’ makeshift press center, they prove that journalism matters and can be the
conscience trigger that shakes the international community from its regular
indifference to evil.
(A shorter version of this blog was published by the Committee to Protect Journalists and the Huffington Post.